Posts Tagged ‘Missouri’

Should an attorney’s service on a merit selection commission force the entire firm to be recused out of cases? Missouri examines the issue.

March 5th, 2013

I noted a few days ago efforts to mandate judges recuse in instances where a party, attorney, or law firm contributed to the judge’s campaign. Now, a new variation on mandatory recusal has been introduced in Missouri related to that state’s merit selection system.

Under SB 351 a judge would be required to recuse if a party or the attorney for a party was on the commission that recommended the judge for appointment. Moreover, the ban would go further and extend to all lawyers in the attorney’s entire firm.

Moreover, unlike the recusal-for-contribution bills I mentioned, there is no provision for waiving the recusal requirement.

The only similar bill introduced in the last several years (decades?) was in Massachusetts 2 years ago; there state governors have on-again-off-again used a panel (a “judicial nominating commission”) to preliminarily screen applicants for judicial vacancies. Unlike merit selection systems in Missouri and elsewhere, Massachusetts governors can ignore or entirely disband their commissions at will. SB 1562 of 2011 would have banned all attorneys who served on the commission and their firms from appearing in any Massachusetts state court. It was sent to a study committee (SB 2446 of 2012) and effectively killed.

Veterans Courts: 2013 legislatures are both encouraging them and trying to give the executive control over them

February 26th, 2013

I’ve been monitoring for the last several years legislative interest in veterans courts, and 2013 appears to bear out the continued interest in them. Many states already operate such courts through court rule or the calendar/docketing practices of individual judges, such as in Buffalo, New York where the a veterans court has operated for years.

What sets 2013′s bills apart is the shift in focus from establishment (such bills are still being introduced) to encouragement and control.

3 states (Kentucky HR 118, Oregon HCR 24, Washington State SB 5797) are considering bills or resolutions “encouraging” or “urging” veterans courts.

3 states (Oregon’s HB 3194 and HB 3195; Texas SB 462, South Carolina’s HB 3014) would transfer to or establish it is the executive branch, not the judiciary, that is to create veterans courts and/or set the rules for their operation.

Details and current status of the efforts below the fold. » Read more: Veterans Courts: 2013 legislatures are both encouraging them and trying to give the executive control over them

Kentucky becomes fourth state this session to consider letting state chief justice or supreme court redistrict state’s courts and reallocate judgeships

February 25th, 2013

I mentioned earlier in February that 3 states (Kansas, Missouri, and to a limited extend Wyoming) are considering allowing their supreme court and/or chief justice reallocate judgeships and even redraw judicial circuit/district lines based on workload assessments and without legislative involvement. I also noted that Iowa had effectively done both in the last several years. Now Kentucky is considering a similar effort to give control of the judicial redistricting and resource allocation process to the judiciary.

Kentucky HB 391 would amend the state’s constitution to include two new elements.

  1. The Chief Justice, not the legislature, would redistrict the state’s District and Circuit judicial lines every 10 years based on the census AND in reflection not just of population but “to reflect workload.” The language echoes a 2003 law adopted in Iowa (HB 573, now Iowa Code 602.6107) that requires the supreme court redistrict every 10 years, starting in 2012, based on “the most efficient and effective administration of the district court and the judicial branch.”
  2. The Chief Justice, not the legislature, would reallocate judgeships, similar to the scheme enacted in 2011 in Iowa (SB326 now Iowa Code  602.6113). Under the existing Kentucky constitutional provisions the number of judges in each judicial district or circuit are determined by the General Assembly upon a certification of necessity by the Supreme Court.

Kentucky HB 391 is currently before the House Elections, Constitutional Amendments, and Intergovernmental Affairs Committee.

Missouri Year in Review: paying for court technology

December 19th, 2012

New laws affecting the courts enacted by the Missouri legislature in 2012 include the following:

HB 1460 Extends the expiration date of the statewide court automation fund to 2020.

SB 628 Authorizes local governmental agencies to utilize collection agencies to collect unpaid and past due court fines, administrative fines, or costs associated with a criminal conviction or entry of a civil judgment. Extends collection of the statewide court automation fee until 2018 and the statewide court automation committee until 2020.

SB 636 Expands prohibition of release of judicial officers home and personal information and that of their family members from motor vehicle records. Authorizes local governmental agencies to utilize collection agencies to collect unpaid and past due court fines, administrative fines, or costs associated with a criminal conviction or entry of a civil judgment. Extends collection of the statewide court automation fee until 2015 and the statewide court automation committee until 2017.

Missouri and Wyoming bills would give state supreme courts power to reallocate judgeships/judicial positions

December 10th, 2012

The vast majority of state constitutions give the chief justice and/or the state’s supreme court authority as the “administrative head” of the entire branch. Despite this, in most states supreme courts are bound to statutes allocating certain numbers of judges to individual counties/district/circuits. Several efforts have been made to give state supreme courts such discretion, the latest coming in Missouri and Wyoming.

Wyoming’s SB 11 deals with a provision in law that requires every Circuit Court (the state’s main limited jurisdiction court) have at least 1 full-time magistrate in each county in which a Circuit Court judge doesn’t already reside. SB 11 would provide the decision on whether a county gets a full-time magistrate would rest with the state’s supreme court.

Missouri’s SB 21 allows the state’s supreme court to transfer Circuit Court (the state’s main general jurisdiction court) judicial positions from one circuit to another “as the administration of justice requires”.

There are restrictions on the transfers, however. The position could only be moved from one circuit to another with the position became vacant (i.e. the current judge or associate judge retired, died, etc.) In addition, the supreme court is given criteria to use :

  1. Analysis of a judicial workload study
  2. Whether litigants in the circuit have adequate access to the courts
  3. Population of the circuit
  4. Judicial duties and travel time involved in the circuit
  5. Other criteria that the supreme court deems relevant

Finally, the number of judicial positions as of August 28, 2013 would be set and “any supreme court order changing the total number of judicial positions, through either creation or elimination, shall be null and void.”

Election 2012: The losers lost big and what the losses portend for 2013/2014

November 15th, 2012

The 2012 election saw several attempts to “rein in” or otherwise assert control of the judiciary by the other branches of government. The four key amendments on the ballot not only all failed,  but failed in stunning fashion when compared to both other items on the ballot and historically.

Arizona Proposition 115 failed 27%-73%

The amendment had a variety of pieces: increased terms and mandatory retirement age, giving governor more power over the state’s merit selection commissions and requiring the commissions give governors more names to pick from, etc. What makes the Prop 115 loss even more interesting is that it was the single biggest loss among the 9 propositions on the ballot that night: the other losing propositions had closer tallies. It also failed to take a single county (closest was Apache where it got 32% of the vote: 6,976 to 14,835).

Proposition % yes
115 27
120 32
121 33
204 36
116 44
208 51
117 57
119 62
114 80

Florida Amendment 5 failed 37%-63%

Like Arizona it was an effort to tinker with the state’s merit selection system (plus rule making authority of the state supreme court) and touted as a way to “rein in judges”. Like Arizona it not only lost outright, but was the worst performer of the night in the state. It was able to carry in a single county: Sumter voted for it 52-48 (27,763 vs. 25,969).

Amendment % yes
5 37
3 42
12 42
4 43
6 45
8 45
10 45
1 49
11 61
9 62
2 63
There was no Amendment 7 n/a

Missouri Constitutional Amendment 3 failed 24%-76%

Amendment 3, like the Arizona and Florida efforts, would have given governors more power over the merit selection process, in Missouri’s case by giving effective control of the merit selection commission for the state’s appellate courts to the governor.  Proponents announced months ago they were abandoning the effort when they failed to get the ballot language they wanted, but have vowed to come back and try again, this time perhaps via a citizen’s initiative rather than a legislatively referred ballot item. Like the Arizona and Florida losses, Missouri’s Amendment 3 was the worst performer of election night ballot items in the state.

Amendment/Proposition % yes
Amend 3 24
Prop B 49
Prop E 62
Prop A 64

New Hampshire’s Question 2 failed 49-51%

Question 2 would have given the legislature a veto over rules established by the state’s supreme court.  The loss is remarkable for two reasons. First, despite the closeness of a 49-51% vote total, Question 2 was nowhere close the 67% needed for passage, making this effectively a blowout.  Second, an perhaps even more surprising, was the history of failures on this item. An amendment almost identical to 2012′s Question 2 was offered in 2002 and63% of the vote in favor, only losing because of the need to meet the 67% threshold. When it was put back on the ballot in 2004 it again got a majority (57%) but not the super-majority need. That this time the proposal failed to garner even a simple majority was surprising and, coupled with GOP loss of the New Hampshire House, indicates little chance of a return in 2013/2014.

Ohio’s Issue 2 lost 37%-63%

The amendment dealt would have created an independent redistricting commission and assigned Court of Appeals judges, picked by the Chief Justice, to vet proposed members of the commission. It lost every county in the state (except Athens). Although 19 states do provide for some involvement of judges in redrawing maps (other than hearing appeals or legal challenges from maps once created), the Ohio lopsided loss may caution against similar proposals. Moreover, the recent use of such a provision in Missouri’s constitution (map drawn by panel of appellate judges if legislature cannot come up with map) lead to proposals in that state to remove the map-by-judges provision of that state’s constitution.

Bans on court use of sharia/international law: showdown vote in Michigan set for after November election

October 4th, 2012

Few if any state legislatures are in session, but one of those few is Michigan and that state’s House is set to come back into session November 27 to decide the fate of a bill that would ban the use of international law by the state’s judiciary.

Under Michigan  HB 4769 and SB 701

A court, arbitrator, administrative agency, or other adjudicative, mediation, or enforcement authority shall not enforce a foreign law if doing so would violate a right guaranteed by the constitution of this state or of the United States.

After initial bad press and rallies where the bills were introduced earlier this year the bills remained in their respective committees. However the House journal indicates a notice for a motion to discharge HB 4769 from the House Committee on Judiciary was filed by the bill’s primary sponsor September 11 and the motion made September 12. The vote on the motion was postponed until November 27, 2012.

Full roster of 41 bills introduced and their statuses after the jump.
» Read more: Bans on court use of sharia/international law: showdown vote in Michigan set for after November election

Missouri Constitutional Amendment 3: The role of sitting judges on merit selection committees

September 11th, 2012

Among other things Missouri’s Amendment 3 would change is the role of the state’s Supreme Court, and in particular the service of one of its members.

Judges as members of the Missouri commissions

Under the state’s constitution there are two types of judicial nominating commissions: one that serves to fill vacancies in the Supreme Court and Court of Appeals (“The Appellate Judicial Commission”) and separate ones for each circuit or county that has merit selection (“The …… Circuit Judicial Commission”). Presently, the state’s Supreme Court picks one of its own members to serve on the Appellate Judicial Commission; for Circuit Judicial Commissions the chief judge of the Court of Appeals for the area serves. The constitution doesn’t require that the chair of the commission by the Supreme Court Judge (members of the Missouri Supreme Court are properly referred to as Judges, except the Chief Justice) or Court of Appeals Judge, although it appears the Judges do serve as chair in practice.

Amendment 3: Remove the sitting Supreme Court judge

If approved by voters, Amendment 3 would remove the provision for a sitting member of the state Supreme Court from serving on the Appellate Judicial Commission. Instead, a retired judge meeting certain criteria would be added as a non-voting member.

The members of the supreme court shall select a former judge, who has not lost a retention election or been removed for cause, of the court of appeals or the supreme court to serve as the nonvoting member of the commission…The voting members of the commission shall select one of the voting members to serve as chairman.

Not only does the provision remove the sitting judge from the Appellate Judicial Commission, it expressly precludes the retired judge to be named from serving as chair of the commission.

Constitutional provisions for judges as members of other merit selection commissions

States are about evenly divided on whether there is a state constitutional provision requiring a judge serve on nominating commissions; some states like South Dakota that have no constitutional requirement for judges to sit on such commissions have done so by statute where the constitution grants the legislature discretion to establish the composition of such bodies.

Details below the fold.

» Read more: Missouri Constitutional Amendment 3: The role of sitting judges on merit selection committees

Missouri Amendment 3 & Arizona Prop 115: How many names get submitted to the governor in merit selection courts/states?

August 24th, 2012

Missouri’s Constitutional Amendment 3 and Arizona’s Proposition 115 contend with modifying the states’ merit selection systems by changing the way they are constituted as well as how many names they submit to a governor. In this installment of Election 2012 coverage, I’ll take a look at the proposed particular changes with respect to the number of names submitted

Missouri Amendment 3

Under the present constitution, Missouri’s merit selection system applies to the state’s Supreme Court, Court of Appeals, the Circuit Courts of the City of St. Louis and Jackson County (Art. V, Sec. 25(a)), and any circuit that opts into the system (Art. V, Sec. 25(b)). One “nonpartisan judicial commission” handles the supreme court and court of appeals (and is specifically entitled “The Appellate Judicial Commission”) while each circuit that has merit selection has its own commission (“The …. Circuit Judicial Commission”). Both commissions submit “three persons possessing the qualifications” of their respective judicial offices to the governor, who then chooses one name.

Amendment 3 would bifurcate this: Circuit Judicial Commissions would still submit 3 names to the governor, but the Appellate Judicial Commission would submit 4.

Arizona Proposition 115

As I noted in my first look at Prop 115, this amendment would change a litany of provisions related to the state’s judiciary. With respect to the number of names, it would expand it from at least 3 names to at least 8. There is a proviso allowing fewer than 8 names to be sent to the governor, but only if two-thirds of the nominating commission rejects enough candidate(s) that finding 8 names would be impossible.

Trial vs. appellate

In the case of Missouri, the increase from 3 to 4 applies to the state’s appellate courts (Supreme Court and Court of Appeals), as compared to Arizona which would set the standard of 8 or more for both levels. In those states where there is merit selection at the trial and appellate level, the tendency is to follow the Arizona example and set the same numerical requirement for both. Colorado, Iowa and Utah (by statute) are the exceptions, with a longer list required for appellate court vacancies.

How many names for vacancies?

11 of the 20 states that use merit selection to fill appellate court vacancies, including Missouri, allow for 2 or 3 names to be sent to a governor. In a 2007 New Mexico Supreme Court decision, the constitution’s failure to list specific numbers but inclusion of language that a commission send “names of persons qualified for the judicial office and recommended for appointment to that office by a majority of the commission” was held to preclude sending a single name and implied at least 2.

No state has Arizona’s Prop 115 minimum of 8 names for a vacancy. Only Utah comes close with 7 for its appellate courts. New York does require 7, but only for the state’s chief justice (actual title is Chief Judge); the other vacancies on the court are filled via lists of as few as 3 names. Why the high number of names for the Chief Judge? The applicable statute (Jud § 63(a)) specifies this is “[i]n recognition of the unique responsibilities of the chief judge of the court of appeals for policies of judicial administration…”

State by state breakdowns below the fold. » Read more: Missouri Amendment 3 & Arizona Prop 115: How many names get submitted to the governor in merit selection courts/states?

Bans on court use of sharia/international law: signed into law in Kansas, sent to study committee in New Hampshire, still technically alive in MI, NC, PA, & SC

May 29th, 2012

There were only two pieces of activity since the May 14 update:

  • New Hampshire’s Senate approved May 16 on a voice vote its Judiciary Committee’s recommendation to send (HB 1422) to an interim study committee, effectively killing the bill for 2012.
  • In Kansas, that state’s governor signed SB 79 on May 21. News reports are here, prior blog posts detailing provisions (including an attempt to tie it to Citizens United) here and here.

With adjournments already having occurred, and with Missouri set to formal adjourn May 30 (they informally adjourned May 18), only 4 states even have the theoretically potential to advance such legislation in 2012 (barring special sessions):

  • Michigan HB 4769 / SB 701: the legislature is likely not to formally adjourn sine die, thus the legislation remains at least technically alive until a new legislature is sworn-in sometime in 2013.
  • North Carolina HB 640: Legislation carries over from odd-numbered to even-numbered years and the legislature is now back in session as of May 16.
  • Pennsylvania HB 2029: the legislature is likely not to formally adjourn sine die, thus the legislation remains at least technically alive until a new legislature is sworn-in sometime in 2013.
  • South Carolina HB 3490 / SB 444: Adjournment is June 7, however neither bill has advanced out of committee since being introduced in early 2011.

Full roster of 41 bills introduced and their statuses after the jump.
» Read more: Bans on court use of sharia/international law: signed into law in Kansas, sent to study committee in New Hampshire, still technically alive in MI, NC, PA, & SC